Historic Alleys

The final act at Calicut – 1790 - Hussein Ali’s defeat at British hands

Not much is written about the events that transpired in Calicut in 1790. Much misery afflicted the people of Calicut and Malabar in general during that time. If you recall, the Mysore Sultans were on their padayottam (troop movements) phase in Malabar and were now aiming for Travancore. On one hand they needed money to finance their operations against the British; on the other hand, cash hordes were not easy to come by even after steamrolling through Malabar. Travancore was still resisting and Tipu was vexed. The British were proving impossible to beat and the French were being fickle in their support. Events that followed exactly 30 years in the Tirur area after they set foot in Malabar, eventually forced them out, once and for all.

Looking back one can say that the Mysore rule brought some order to the state, but what it also did was upset the delicate social balance in the region. Their departure resulted in bringing to a boil the frustrations and ire of the landlords and the nobility versus the Moplah populace. Violence was to follow, sporadically and later in an organized fashion, as we saw in previous articles.

I will not get deep into this topic and a paper has been readied by our esteemed Dr Noone, a founding member of the Calicut heritage forum. He has spent years of research on this very topic, so I will eagerly wait to read his paper. However I will provide some details if only to establish a perspective and to get to the story of a very interesting person, who was a member of the British forces at that time. I can only wonder, if we will ever have such people these days and if we did at the sheer dedication of those people living and fighting for the King in such far away lands.

I had set the scene in my article about the Ravi Varma princes of the Padinjare Kovilakom.
1790 - Tipu takes the last misstep and invades Travancore by himself. The British, whose successes have so far been mainly owing to the ground support received in the wars from the Varmas, now play the end game to perfection when Lord Cornwallis invites the Varma princes for discussions, agreeing to restore the Zamorin all his lands and commercial powers should the rebels render long term cooperation to them. Accordingly Ravi Varma meets Gen Meadows at Trichy and conducts negotiations. A Cowlnama is drawn up between Kishen Varma and the British. With the help of the Varma’s and their Nairs, the Mysore armies are routed by the British in Malabar. In 1791, the Cochin king after having been at first under the Portuguese and later the Dutch, agree to the suzerainty of the British and to pay an annual tribute. With Mysore under simultaneous attack by the British, Tipu sues for peace in 1792 and cedes Malabar to the British in compensation. The Varma princes were in the meantime busy restoring order in Malabar and fighting and taming the Muslim leaders who were persecuting them under Tipu’s reign. It was to prove a mistake. What followed was a mixture of misused opportunity and undue faith in the legality of the 1790 cowl nama. A meeting called by Cornwallis was not attended by the Malabar princes. The old Zamorin, more interested in celebrating his ‘ariyittuvazcha’ or coronation in Chavakkad possibly missed the significance of the British call for a meeting in Cannanore to discuss the rights. The British decided against reinstating the Zamorin and other Malabar princes, with all their powers using the argument that they would continue wars with the Moplahs who had been against them in the Hyder - Tipu reign and that the British will have to spend time, money and maintain an army to keep peace.

Reference is also made to the Travancore lines story posted earlier, which provides another backdrop to this event.

The Battle of Calicut (a.k.a Battle of Tervanagary or Thiroorangadi) took place between 7 and 12 December, during the Third Anglo-Mysore War. A force of three regiments from the British East India Company, comprising some 1,500 men, led by Lieutenant Colonel James Hartley, defeated a 9,000 man Mysorean army, killing or wounding about 1,000, and taking a large number of prisoners, including their commander, Hussein Ali Khan Sahib of Mysore. Hartley himself had been soldiering on in India since 1764 and did very well in his engagements. During a campaign in 1779, he excelled in his work and had been promoted as Lt Colonel. However the promotion was cancelled due to complaints from some seniors who were superseded by the younger Hartley. He promptly resigned from his services and fought his case all the way to the King George III, who finally reinstated his promotion.

To summarize the battle of Calicut, on the 1790 outbreak of war (3rd Mysore war) with Tipu Sultan of Mysore, Hartley received command of a detachment sent to the coast of Cochin to aid the EIC’s ally, the Rajah of Travancore. In May Hartley received orders to take the Palghat fort. By the time he got near, it had already surrendered. He, however, continued his march, and occupied himself partly in collecting supplies for the main army, and partly in watching any movement of Tippoo's troops to the south-west. On 10 Dec. he inflicted a crushing defeat on vastly superior forces under Hussein Ali, Tippu's general, at Calicut. The remnants of the beaten army were pursued to Feroke, where it surrendered, and that fortress was later occupied by the British. Martab Khan fled on elephants via the Tamarassery pass taking much of the amassed treasure to Mysore. Hartley died much later, at Cannanore in 1799. But then this story is not about Hartley.

I was actually studying the movements of Arthur Wellesly and had come across Messer’s Hartley and Stuart in his dispatches. I was also compiling information on the Ferokhabad based Tipu administration, in more detail. It was around then that a gentleman living in Canada, a direct descendant of a Colonel involved in this battle, contacted me asking for information about Tervanagary. While checking out the details of the person and his curious injury, I got further and deeper into the story of the battle that took place in 1790. Coincidentally, I saw a mention of the presentation that Dr Noone did at the School of Management in Calicut on the very subject. Perhaps it is time, I guess, for it is close to December and hence the time to talk about the events of a December week some 222 years ago, events that finally released Calicut from Mysore Bondage and delivered it to another power, albeit milder.

Quoting from ‘Life of a regiment’ – Another summary of the battle provides some perspective - Early in 1790, the 75th, commanded by Colonel Hartley, who had also two battalions of Bombay Sepoys under his orders, proceeded to assist our ally, the Rajah of Travancore, whose country was at that time invaded by Tippoo, the Sultan of Mysore. The quarrel was about two towns on the Malabar Coast, which Travancore had purchased from the Dutch, but which Tippoo affirmed belonged to his tributary the Kwajah of Cochin. The 75th was at Travancore from April to September, when, along with the Bombay troops, they were ordered, under Colonel Hartley, to the relief of some Madras battalions at Pallyghautcherry; on the march Hartley found the enemy in possession of the Fort of Chowghat, which he instantly attacked and carried. He afterwards, with his brigade, marched to the Malabar Coast, from which Tippoo intended to cut off the British communications. As he approached Calicut, Hartley received information on the 10th December that 14,000 of the enemy under Martab Khan and Hussein Ali Khan were strongly posted in a jungle at Tervangherry, ten miles distant. He at once advanced, with the 75th and two native battalions, towards the enemy, who, trusting to superior numbers, did not decline the battle. After a warm engagement, they were driven to the village of Teronkibeel, where they made an obstinate defence, but were compelled to fly to Trincalore (Trikulam) Fort, which the Bombay Grenadiers entered with the fugitives. Hussein Ali Khan was taken, but Mahab Khan escaped with his cavalry. The victory was gained without much loss; I find no complete list of casualties, but among the wounded were Captains Lawson and Blackford, and Lieutenants Powell and Stewart of the 75th.

Look at some related reports - As Buchanan puts it, in 1790, a British force of 2,000 men under Colonel Hartley landed in South Malabar to deal with Mysore army of 9,000 Sepoys and 4,000 Moplays. He forgot the local support. Ravi Varma rushed to aid with 5,000 of his best Nairs (termed Nair irregulars by Abercrombie) and that helped to turn tide in favor of British. Most history books fail to mention Varma and his 5,000 men support, but just state that the smaller Hartley force defeated the bigger Mysore army. Historian Dale also mentions it to be the most important of the battles and he says - It is worth mentioning, though, that after the British became militarily involved in Kerala in 1781 two of the most important battles in which they defeated Mysorean armies, including the climactic one of 1790, occurred at Tirurangadi. LD Campbell’s book even mentions the Nair irregulars were supplied to Hartley by the King of Travancore.

It is interesting to note that the Moplahs sided with Tipu. About 4,000 of them fought with Tipu while the British were aided by the Nairs, showing the religious divide at that time. To continue, the fort of Ferokabad was soon evacuated; 1,500 men laid down their arms. Beypore, and all the vessels in the harbour, submitted, as did 6,000 inhabitants. As is summarized in history - Shortly after the above, advices were received that Maj.Gen. Abercrombie had arrived at Cannanore; that the fort bad surrendered at discretion; and that all the troops in the neighborhood had laid down their arms; by which means, and in consequence of the brilliant success of Col. Hartley, the Ponnani River had been opened, and the Malabar coast; completely cleared. They got the guns Tipu had captured from the Travancore lines.

Now I will quote from The East India Military Calendar…

Introducing MAJOR-GENERAL William henry BLACHFORD (Bombay Establishment)

This officer arrived in Bombay in Aug. 1777; the 7th March 1779 he was appointed a cadet in the engineers, Bombay establishment; the 1st Jan. 1780 he was promoted to an ensigncy, and served at the siege of Bassien, with the army commanded by Gen. Goddard. After the storm of that fortress, he was one of the sub-engineers employed to survey that territory, and to establish a chain of field-works for the security of the environs against Mahratta horse. On the 20th Feb. 1783 he was promoted to lieut. He served in the memorable campaign commanded by the unfortunate Gen. Matthews, from the first landing of the army on taking of Rajamundroog on the Canara coast, to the conclusion of peace that followed in 1785. During this long and trying campaign, Lieut. B. served at the siege and storm of Onore. He was entrusted with repairing the breaches, and making other improvements in that fortress; and ultimately he had the honour of being the only engineer officer belonging to that garrison during the successful defence it made under the command of Maj. Torriano. The siege and blockade of Onore lasted eight months under the most pressing events, arising from famine, sickness, and desertion; the garrisons were at length relieved by a peace, which returned them to Bombay, reduced from their original strength of 1200 to about 250, for embarkation to the Presidency. The want of provisions was at one time so seriously felt, that a number of horses were killed and salted as a last resource rather than surrender to Tippoo's forces- After this service Lieut. B. was appointed senior engineer to the garrison of Surat.


Now consider the situation. Tipu’s forces perhaps used the Bukmar flintlock blunderbuss musket. Hyder had decided on the flintlock against the matchlock muskets earlier (much later matchlocks were again made by Tipu). Strangely they got the muskets from the British sources as well as French and many were made in Mysore factories. The inscriptions include, on the barrel 'asad allah al-ghalib' (The victorious lion of God), a reference to 'Ali, the son-in-low of the Prophet and the first Shiite Imam.

The simplicity of the musket design allowed it to fire a variety of ammunition. While various old accounts list the blunderbuss as being loaded with scrap iron, rocks, or wood this would result in damage to the bore of the gun; it was typically loaded with a number of lead balls smaller than the bore diameter. The choice ammunition for musket was the round ball, which was literally just a round ball of lead. Round balls were loaded loose into the barrel even after the barrel had been fouled by previous shots. This loose fitting ammunition, and the poor aerodynamics of the round ball led to the musket's inaccuracy beyond 46 to 69 m distance. The package of gunpowder and ammunition was intrpoduced into the barrel using a cartridge.

Quotin from “Military medicine from the 18th century” - It is generally thought that at up to a range of 30 yards the ball would go straight through a man. At a greater range it would still be enough to cause very significant injuries. The primary problem was infection. Almost all gunshot wounds became infected either due to the injury itself (clothing, dirt, and other contamination was often forced into the wound by the musket ball), or from unsanitary conditions following injury, for example with the surgeon probing for the musket ball or shrapnel with his unwashed fingers, or even from being deliberately introduced by the surgeon in an effort to promote healing. Death from infection rather than from the injury itself was the primary danger to the soldier on the battlefield. The blunt-force trauma generated by musket balls produced shattered bones, resulting in the need to amputate the injured limb. Amputation often resulted in death from shock or infection.

But was not an option in the case of Capt B, you can’t cut off his head, right?

In Jan. 1791 Gen. Hartley's detachment formed a junction with the Bombay army assembled at Cananore, under Sir Robert Abercromby. Capt. B- joined it, and was attached to the van with some pioneers to clear the road for its march up the Ghauts. In the execution of this fatiguing duty, with an impaired state of health (his wound not having healed,) he was attacked on reaching the head of the Ghauts, with a violent fever and delirium that threatened his existence. In this despairing condition he remained a long time too ill to be moved: the surgeon at length laid open his wound, conceiving some splintry adhesion of the skull prevented its healing, when a piece of Capt. B-'s hat was found buried in it. This discovery effected a favourable change for removing him to Tellichery, where he arrived with total loss of memory; and from thence embarked, and arrived in Bombay in May 1791. On recovering from that illness, he rejoined the army at Cananore in Oct- 1791, and resumed his duties in the field during that service, and siege of Seringapatam by Lord Cornwallis, which campaign terminated in a peace with Tippoo. From this period (20th May 1792) he returned to the ordinary duties of his department at the presidency, and was employed on a particular survey of the town of Bombay, to ascertain the superficial measurement each house occupied within the garrison.

In 1794-5 he succeeded to the appointment of superintending engineer at Bombay, which he held until he was compelled to seek a furlough to Europe for the benefit of his health. Capt. B. quitted India 17th Jan. 1796, and arrived in England 4th Aug. following. He returned to India 17th Feb. 1798, and arrived in Bombay-4th June following. He was then ordered to Cananore, as superintending engineer to the works carrying on to a great extent. About this period the Bombay army, under Gen. James Stuart, assembled at Cananore, to proceed a third time up the Ghauts, to co-operate against Tippoo's capital. On the army quitting Cananore, Capt. B. was appointed to the command of the garrison. The duties of it became important to exercise, as the place formed a centrical dept for forwarding and receiving supplies for the armies besieging Seringapatam. He held the command of Cananore until the conclusion of that campaign, and then returned to Bombay.

He was promoted to the rank of maj. 11th Dec. 1801, and resumed the duties of superintending engineer at the presidency, which he continued to discharge until Sept- 1803; when finding the state of his health on the decline, he yielded to the necessity of proceeding to Europe on furlough. He quitted India 14th Sept. 1803, and arrived in England 2nd Feb. 1804. He succeeded to the rank of lieut-col. 1st May 1804; and on the 6th March 1805 he obtained, by succession, the rank of full col. of engineers.

Previous to M.-Gen. Blachford's leaving Bombay he had passed more than twenty-two years in actual service in India, independent of his furlough. He addressed the court of directors, representing the impaired state of his health, arising from a bad wound, and various trying duties he had undergone in India, requesting their permission to remain in England as a full colonel, with the advantage of sharing in the offreckoning fund as chief engineer of Bombay; which request they were pleased to accede to.

He passed away on July 8th 1841 aged 82 at Ham, Surrey. His family took up a Blachford coat of arms…..

I was looking at the picture of Hartley’s soldiers and wondering how they would have managed in the heat and humidity of Malabar. Anyway these events took place after the monsoon season when it would have been somewhat bearable!!

Ironically Tipu himself died from a musket ball…in April 1799

References
The East India military calendar: containing the services of general and field officers of the Indian Army, Volume 1 By John Philippart
The Scots Magazine, Volume 53- By James Boswell
Historical records of the 8th Regiment, Bombay Infantry - By John Robert Sandwith
The life of a regiment: the history of the Gordon Highlanders... By Charles Greenhill Gardyne
The military history of the Madras engineers and pioneers, from 1743 up to the present time - Volume 1
Malabar manual Logan page 473
The Gentleman's Magazine, Volume 69 - By John Nichols

Pics – courtesy

Scottish soldier - from page 224 – The life of a regiment

Blunderbass pic http://www.thomasdelmar.com/Catalogues/as071211/lot0116-0.jpg

Tipu’s soldier – Charles Gold – Printing inscription provides some detail .The dress of the regular infantry is generally of purple woolen stuff, with white diamond formed spots on it, which is called the tyger jacket. On the head is worn a muslin turban, of a red colour, and round the waist a cumberband, or sash, of the same. Their legs and feet are entirely naked, excepting a kind of sandal slipper, worn to protect their soles from the roughness of the march. They are accoutred with black leather cross belts, and commonly armed with musquets of French manufacture; though some are made in their own country; over the lock is a leather covering, to defend it from dampness

Locations – Calicut, Palghat (Palghautcherry, Palighaut), Around Tirurangadi (Tervannengurry, Taravangerry), Feroke (Ferokebad, Firakabad), Tricalore (Tirukkallur - Thrikkulam) is where the battle actually took place.

The coastal ports and towns of Malabar (in this respect we go from Kayalpatanam - Tuticorin to Mangalore) have had numerous trade contacts over centuries with other countries and kingdoms. In the case of Arab traders, they just lived and traded at the various ports, passing on commissions, brokerages or customs duties to the local chieftains. Later they bonded with local women to create offshoot communities that supported their trade and later forked inwards connecting up with other traders and tribes to source the spices and wood they traded in, though not directly participating in it, at least in the earlier years. They were mainly working as individuals, but sometimes parts of some family guild or the other.


One of the earliest and most powerful kingdoms to establish bonds and tributes with the kingdoms in Malabar was China. So you can note, the Chinese were different, they tried to establish more formal relations with the rulers and administrators of the land and create longer lasting trade and perhaps even attempted monopolies, though we will see that for various reasons it did not quite bear fruit in the long run, due to the changes that took place at the ruling levels in China and the retaliation from the better-established Arab traders.

In related articles, we talked about the Calicut connections with Zheng He (Cheng Ho) and the Ming dynasty; we also talked about trade previous to that. But the question has always remained, why do we not see any material or genetic traces of the Chinese in Calicut? We know also that a number of Malabar ambassadors went to mainland China starting well before the Cheng Ho voyages. We know that some of them lived for extended periods in the port cities of China where even Tamil temples could be seen. And we know that there was flourishing trade between the South Indian East coast and the SE Asian countries. We know also that Malabar traders set up outposts in Malacca and other parts of Malaysia, Sabah and so on, of course in Indonesia and Bali.

We do know of a silk street, we do know of the China Kotta and we do know for a fact that the Cheng Ho voyages touched Calicut. We also know that the Chinese had even stronger links with Kollam or Quilon, but still not a trace of it today (I must add here that there is perhaps a small trace of it in the building structures here and there and the boat industry). If you look at the Far East, you see their temples and lifestyles in vogue even today. Just like China rejected foreign systems and methods inland, did we also reject them after a major event, eventually borrowing only a few food habits and clothing styles?

From trade perspectives, we know that historic trade meant that the foreigner had his representative in Calicut (See article on hubs of medieval trade). It was the same with respect to the Chinese and so they did have a representative settlement of sorts in Calicut, somewhere to the West of the City. But why did they leave, where did they go and when? Why do we not see the physical characteristics in any of the descendants, if some remained? Did they go to Chennaipattanam or Malacca? Was it after the turmoil as stated by the Malayalee priest Joseph? I myself see no reason to suspect Joseph’s words, for he had no reason to falsify it and a lack of purpose.

Yet, we have so many Chinese related implements, practices and food. Logically, for it to have permeated even into the nobler levels of society in many of these places of Kerala, including Calicut, would have meant a longer than sporadic relationship than one of a trader touching a port and sailing off. So it is a mystery, just like the mystery of the Namboothiri or Nair advent into Kerala. The answer may be right in front of us, under our nose, but we cannot dig it out, I suppose.

Some might ask the question. Did the Chinese ever come to Calicut or any other port? Did they just remain in the China seas and the people who came this side were the Malay-Chinese? Interesting question that, a question which can be refuted using the evidence from the Chau Ju Kha, the Ma Huan accounts and so on. There are other Chinese accounts and add to that the accounts of Marco Polo and Ibn Batuta, to establish the fact that large ships, owned by a state organization plied to Calicut. Even a trader of Mithqual’s stature could not own 20-30 such massive ships, and note also that these large ships mentioned were not the trading dhows of a few hundred tons.

Let us take a deep look at what Joseph the Indian had to say. Some historians mistrust him, perhaps because of some less factual mentions that are attributed to him, while others look at his words and find answers. Should we take him seriously? Was there any fact in all he said? Where the mentions of an evangelical nature inserted into his accounts by the translators and those who published his accounts? Let us not stray in that direction and concentrate on what he had to say about the people and trade, for that is our focal point today.

Joseph was apparently born in 1461 and was in Lisbon around 1501, having gone there with Cabral. I had written about all that earlier, so those interested in his story may refer that. At 40, he was of sound mind and considered a very honest person by his interlocutors. The accounts were published around 1510-1520.

He is clear in stating that there are many types of traders in Calicut amongst the countless moors, and makes it amply clear that the trade had declined somewhat from the times when the White Chinese with long hair, fez and head ornaments were present in Calicut. He also mentions that 80-90 years ago (which places that around 1410-20) the Chinese had a factory at Calicut. He states – having been outraged by the King of Calicut, they rebelled and gathering a large army came to the city of Calicut and destroyed it. Now this could mean that they lived at a distance, was it at Pantalayani where they usually stayed during the monsoons (winter)? From that time and upto the present day they have never come to trade in the said place and they go to a city of a King Naisindo which is called Mailapet about 90 miles East by way of the Indus river. These people are called the Malasesnes/Malasines….hailing from a place 6,000 miles away from Calicut. He also mentions a trade fair at certain times of the year in Calicut which is attended by the merchants from China, India, Syria, Egypt and Persia. Was he talking of the Mamankham?

The Italian version of course inserts additional sentences such as the Chinese are Christians etc… but the others do not, so we can discount some of the words from the Italian version of Joseph’s accounts. Nevertheless, it is possible that some of the traders were Christians though my feeling is that Calicut as trans-shipment and a pilgrimage boarding point as well as a concentration of Arab traders would have necessitated a majority settlement of Chinese Muslim traders. It is exemplified by the leadership of Muslim Zheng He in the voyages, the large numbers of Muslim Chinese and Muslim scribes such as Ma Huan with him in his voyages. We also saw that they always used Calicut as a boarding point to go to Mecca, so I would assume that some of the larger ships carried rich Muslim pilgrims from China, not just traders. But that creates yet another question. If Zheng he and all the other traders from China were Muslim, would that have fought with the Arabs? Perhaps they did, for the needs of the rich man’s goods (spices) in China were quite high at that time and profit rivaled religion.

What is key is certain place names. Mailapet - 90 miles to the East of Calicut. While Greenlee places that as Malacca, the distance is greater and a sea has to be crossed. So was it Mylapore or was it Masulipatam? The place was ruled by the King Narsindo. Elsewhere Narsindo is considered to be the Vijayanagara King. So it was inland, on the East coast, and thus perhaps Masulipatam or Mylapore is right. In both places we have seen Chinese settlements and even temples. We will get to this again, later.

Now let us look at the period. Joseph mentions that the Chinese were active during the 1410-20 periods. This would mean that much of what is written about the Zheng He voyages makes sense, that his voyages jump-started the trade with Calicut, and that they peaked in the 20’s. This will also lend credence to the fact that the cessation of the Ming Voyages resulted in the departure of the Chinese from Calicut. Was it precipitated by a conflict with the Arabs, aided by the Zamorin? How long did the Chinese remain?

Much earlier, around 1280 or so - We see that Marco Polo speaks of the merchants and ships of Manzi, or Southern China, as frequenting Kaulam, Hili, and now Malabar, of which Calicut was the chief port. Yule adds - This quite coincides with Ibn Batuta (this was around 1327), who says those were the three ports of India which the Chinese junks frequented, adding Fandaraina (i.e. Pandarani, or Pantalani, 16 miles north of Calicut), as a port where they used to moor for the winter when they spent that season in India. By the winter he means the rainy season, as Portuguese writers on India do by the same expression. He stated - As far as this place (Hita in Malabar) come the ships of China, but they do not go beyond it; nor do they enter any harbour, except that of this place, of Kalikut and Kwalam. He also mentions that these ships were made in El-Zaitan in China. The Chinese are also mentioned in the Unnayi Charitram, which states that Chinese attended these bazars as early as the 14th century.

Back to the question of where the Chinese went from Calicut The Latin historian Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza wrote, in his History of the Kingdom of China, that the local residents of Calicut had told him that the many fruit trees in Calicut were planted there by Chinese immigrants– They went to the Kingdom of Narsinga. Let us look at another record to clarify this - "So that at this day there is great memory of them in the ilands Philippinas, and on the cost of Coromande, which is the cost against the kingdom of Norsinga towards the sea of Cengala (bengala): whereas is a towne called unto this day the soile of the Chinos, for that they did reedifie and make the same. The like notice and memory is there in the kingdom of Calicut, whereas be many trees and fruits, that the naturals of that countrie do say, were brought thither by the Chinos, when that they were lords and gouernours of that countrie." (Mendoza, Parke's transl._ pg. 94-95). This explains that they moved to the Philippines and a coastal port town on the Coromandel.

As I wrote earlier, the question was where is this port town of Mailapet? Is it Masulipatanam in Andhra or Chinapatam or todays Madras. Hobson Jobson concurs that it is perhaps Madras. Quoting the entry under Chinapatam, but some historians also mentions that the Portuguese confused China with Jaina, when it comes to Jain temples around Malabar.

Chinapatan was borne by the place previously. It will be seen under MADRAS that Barros curiously connects the Chinese with St. Thome. To this may be added this passage from the English translation of Mendoza's China, the original of which was published in 1585, the translation by R. Parke in 1588:—"... it is plainely seene that they did come with the shipping vnto the Indies . . . so that at this day there is great memory of them ……. on the cost of Coromande, which is the cost against the Kingdome of Norsinga towards the sea of Bengala (misprinted Cengala); whereat it a towne called unto this day the Soile of the Chinos for that they did reedifie and make the same. I strongly suspect that this was Chinapatam, or Madras.

Abdur Razzak came to Calicut in 1442-1443 and mentions the tough but adventurous Tchini Betchagan. What he meant by that phrase has not been well understood as yet, but learned men state that they were the Chinese offspring. In fact all this prompted later Portuguese voyagers to be given specific instructions to find out as much as they could about the Chijns and their trade, after hearing about Chinese trade at Calicut and Malabar and the mentions of the large ships from China.

Then again there is the Portuguese account that places Chinese arrival in Malabar of the Chinese many centuries earlier, close to 1400, the time when Calicut started to flourish and the city was laid out. Gaspar Correa's account in the Voyages of Da Gama has a curious record of a tradition of the arrival in Malabar more than four centuries before of a vast merchant fleet "from the parts of Malacca, and China, and the Lequeos" (Lewchew); many from the company on board had settled in the country and left descendants. In the space of a hundred years none of these remained; but their sumptuous idol temples were still to be seen (Stanley's Translations, Hak. Soc, p. 147). So the Chinese remnants, temples (perhaps Jain) and so on were seen by travelers even as later as in 1500-1530.

Anyway the Ming voyages stopped after Cheng ho’s death and due to many other reasons, perhaps due also to the shifting of the capital from Nanking to Peking and the Northern barbarian menace. We will discuss that in greater detail another day.

Mr Vasisht in his Kerala Calling article mentions discovery of some remnants of the Chinese at Pantalayanai. He states - Famous Japanese historian Nebro Karashima along with Dr. M.R. Raghava Warrier have discovered many Chinese implements at Pantalayani Kollam. I am not sure what they found, but I believe they are pottery shreds, implements etc

Were there ever any kind of interaction with the locals and the creation of a group of descendants? We do know that the Ming voyages had families traveling together, but it was not the norm, so there would have been plenty of local partners for the Chinese, in Calicut, much like the Arabs. Yes, it seems to have been the case, as borne by the interview with Coya Veetil Koya in 1830 or so. Let us refer the Col Mackenzie manuscripts - A catalogue raisonnée of oriental manuscripts in the library of ..., Volume 3 - William Taylor (orientalist, missionary.), Government Oriental Manuscripts Library (Tamil Nadu, India), Section 5.

Account received from one named Coya Vettil Coya, an inhabitant of Calicut.

According to this person's statement, the ancestors of his tribe came with some banners, or distinctions, by way of the sea, in a ship or bark from China-Kribala: and, in eonseqehce of rendering essential services to the Samudri raja of Calicut, the class received from him distinguishing immunities and banners.

There is nothing further of any importance- I find, on inquiry, that the class of people referred to, are most probably Chinese; as my informant says they are the same kind of people with the Chinese at Madras; except that the former do not wear the long queues, which the Chinese regard as tokens of honor. By consequence, the people in question may be Malays, or other persons, from the eastern islands.

I am not inclined to assume that it was a Malay Muslim. We do know of Malabar kakas in Malaysia and especially Malacca. It could be so that one of them came back to settle down in Calicut. But the mention of the Chinese Kingdom (Kribala) and the titles provided by the Zamorin makes me lean towards the mainland China.

But these hypotheses are in no way conclusive as Calicut Heritage forum states in clear tones. Much more has to be done, such as excavations in certain specific areas, genetic sampling (Calicut & Madras) and so on, continuation of studies such as that of Dr Liu Yinghua and more focused and formal studies on the subject. Perhaps a shift of focus to the Chinese community in Madras will reveal those links, instead of concentrating on Calicut. An anthropologic study of the food culture, the various items of food and cooking utensils can be done to determine the impact of the relationship and its movement from the trading to the nobler communities of that medieval period.

References

India in 1500AD – Antony Vallavantara CMI
The book of Ser Marco Polo – Henri Cordier
Kerala Calling – March 2006 Trade Contacts – MC Vasisht
Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Volume 8 - Mackenzie manuscripts
Historic Alleys – See label Malabar – Chinese trade
Calicut Heritage forum article
Hubs of medieval trade
Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China reprinted from the translation of R. Parke; edited by Sir George T. Staunton

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