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The Moplah Rebellion 1921 – A British Soldier's viewpoint

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Donald Sinderby in Malabar

There are so many books with deal with the revolt in Malabar, or what the British Raj termed a rebellion (i.e. waging war against the crown) with a purpose to clamp down the area under martial law.  Some of these were written by Malayali congressmen and survivors, some others by the British administrators who were in the thick of things. There are very few firsthand accounts from the British side perhaps because such reporting was not encouraged. There is one, a work of historical fiction which gained a certain amount of popularity but vanished from the shelves after a while. Having obtained a dog eared 1927 copy of that book, I decide to peruse it carefully without tearing those ancient pages, with an intention of finding out what a common soldier thought about the whole thing. What you will read on is not a review but a summary of Sinderby’s opinion of Malabar, the Nairs, the administrators and the revolting Moplah, not about the love story which he wrote. In a way this book is unique since it is one of its kind, though the contents are not summarily of great value.

Steve at bearalley provides biographical material on Sinderby as follows. Donald Ryder Stephens was born in St. Albans, Hertfordshire, on 11 September 1898, the son of Martin Frank Stephens, a publisher's manager, and his wife Mary Ann (Annie) Beney. Stephens grew up in St Albans and Wimbledon. His parents subsequently moved to 2 Nevill Park, Tonbridge Wells, and, later still, to Bexhill. Stephens was an Old Tonbridgian, having attended Tonbridge School, and was a well-known member of the Tonbridge Rugby F.C. After attending R. M. C. Sandhurst, he served in the Dorsetshire Regiment during the Great War achieving the rank of Lieutenant and, after the Armistice, is believed to have served in India. After five years in the Army he began working in the Central Editorial Department of the Amalgamated Press in 1923-26. He also began writing for their children's papers, producing serials and short stories and was a staff writer on the Children's Newspaper. He also began publishing stories in Hutchinson's Magazine and The Regent Magazine in 1924 using the pen-name Donald Sinderby, derived from a family name which was borne by his great-grandmother, who died in 1861.His occupation was given as author when, in 1927, he married Audrey Margaret Elmslie (1901-1991), only daughter of Major and Mrs. Stuart Elmslie. Stephens served for four years in Malta during World War Two. He died in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, on 30 November 1983. He used an alias of Donald Ryder Stephens in his early works, choosing to remain behind the curtain.


The Jewel of Malabar was described as "An exciting love story of unusual interest" as it portrayed the love, devotion and self-sacrifice of a beautiful native girl and her lover, British officer Sir John Bennville, who is infatuated with her. Its background is the Moplah Rebellion of 1921 in South-West India. The book was well-reviewed as a convincing and vivid account of the fierce fighting with many hair-breadth escapes which characterized the campaign in which the author was personally engaged from first to last.

The heroine of this story is Kamayla, a beautiful Hindu girl with whom Sir John Bennville, a young English officer, involved in fighting in South-West India, falls desperately in love. Kamayla is so devoted to him that she becomes a Christian. After her conversion, however, she comes under Roman Catholic influence, and, being told that her marrying Sir John would ruin his prestige and prospects, she proves her love by renunciation and enters a convent. In its simple way the story is pleasing enough. But the romantic element in it is the thread upon which the author has strung his own vivid and stirring memories of the Moplah Rebellion of 1921; and it is these first-hand scenes that give special interest to his book.

Before taking Sinderby to Malabar, I should set the scene, which I will now proceed to do. In writing this, you the reader should humor me, for I may seem to be looking at the sordid period from a slanted British viewpoint, it is on purpose, for this is Sinderby’s tale.

1919 proved to be a disaster for the British what with the aftermath of the massacre at Jalianwala. The Simla administration was careful in employing any kind of military involvement to suppress rebellions and revolts. It took a lot of debating before a decision was taken, and as it turned out in the case of Malabar, decisions were late and taken after matters had crossed the boiling point. Local administrations struggled to get their voices heard, especially requests for armed forces. Down south in Malabar, the Khilafat movement was heating up and it was not clear how Turkey would rise in support. Gandhiji had thrown his weight behind it and the wary British were watching developments very carefully and were quite worried that Hindu Muslim rapport would become a huge problem for the crown.

It was in 1921 July that the British Army first got involved in these matters starting with a case of a stolen pistol in an area called Pookottur in the Ernad Taluk. The police attempted to arrest Vadakkeveettil Muhammad (an ex-employee of the Thirumalpad), the Secretary of the local Khilaphat Committee, on the pretext that he had stolen a gun from the palace of the Nilambur Tirumalpad. They searched the house of Muhammad but found nothing. Later, thousands of enraged Mappilas of the locality, who were summoned by the beat of drums in the mosques of the neighborhood went up in arms and the mob marched to the kovilakom. The family members in the palace fled and the mob plundered the palace and distributed the booty.


The events at Pukkottur, Hitchcock wrote, 'have created an entirely new situation in Malabar; Khilafat was completely swallowed up by the old fanatical spirit on this occasion’. EF Thomas the collector was understandably very nervous as his summons to those who were implicated at Pookottor went unheeded. His superiors in Madras finally decided to allow a deputation of military to support the beleaguered police in Eranad and to take action at Tirurangadi where in their opinion Ali Musaliar was fomenting a rebellion and igniting fanaticism. Led to believe that the Khilafat movement would lead to the downfall of the British the Eranad Moplahs had decided to take law into their own hands and gathered at Tirur on 20th August.

A force comprising 79 from the Leinster regiment of Gurkhas headed by PC McEnroy in the company of some 170 Malabar police arrived in Tirurangadi just before dawn on the morning of August 20, and immediately set out to arrest 24 persons, 6 of whom had been involved in the Pukkottur incident and to search suspected houses in Tirurangadi, Chembrasseri, and Pukkottur. It did not go very well and only three were arrested. Rumors went around that the Mambram (Tirurangadi Kizhakkepalli) mosque had been desecrated by the British and the mobs gathered and started wanton destruction of public property, and went on to sabotage and remove railway lines and cut the telegraph lines. Firing was resorted to and in addition to a number of rioters, Second Lieutenant W. R. M. Johnson and the Assistant Superintendent of Police, Mr Rowley were killed. Within days widespread revolt spread across Malabar, particularly Ernad and Valluvanad in south Malabar, which had the highest concentration of Moplas. The treasury at Manjeri was looted and torched.


This was when reinforcements in the form of the Dorsetshire regiment were rushed out in the HMS Camus to Calicut, from Bangalore under John Burnett-Stuart (GOC Madras District) who was appointed Military Commander of the troubled areas. Before they were formally deployed, the marching Leinsters were ambushed by a large band of rebels and in the attack a large number of Moplas were killed, many wildly rushing onto machine gun fire. Seeing that this did not work, the Moplah rebels decided to change tactics and from then on it was mainly guerrilla style warfare in the dense jungles of the area. The marching Dorsets (as railway lines were cut) took a few days to reach the area, and were later split out as two columns and then sending small detachments to affected villages. They found the going very difficult, with heavy monsoon rains, mud and difficult jungle terrains, all eminently suited for the local Moplah rebel gangs. In simple words, they were bogged for a while, but were gaining an upper hand slowly, since they possessed good firearms and howitzers compared to the Moplahs who had sticks swords and antiquated rifles (Martini-Henry breech loading rifles stolen from the police, shotguns and even muzzle-loading smoothbore guns). Some of the Moplahs did have military training for they had returned after serving in the First World War, but they were too few to hurt. In September, some of the affected areas (Ernad, Walluvanad and Ponnani) were put under Martial law but with functioning civil courts. They were now on unsound terrain, they could kill a rebel in an encounter, but if they captured some, they had to be handed over to a civil court. The so called effective methods used in Punjab (Dwyer’s and Dyer’s tough methods) were not to be used. Through the month of September, Stuart’s forces conducted many operations to capture rebel leaders and restore order, but was unable to make real headway.

Later Stuart requested Gurkhas and Burmese reinforcements to conduct proper jungle warfare as the insurrection continued to spread, now alarmingly towards Calicut where British planters also started raising a hue and cry. Large scale sweeps took place in November and by December, the situation was under better control. Stuart commented that surrenders were beginning to increase rapidly, and intelligence became much easier to get. On 19 December, the Chembrasseri Thangal, a key Moplah leader, surrendered. It was also becoming clear that no support was coming from anywhere, that Turkey was not interested in any Khalifa (see my article)

Stuart stated - The surrendered Moplah’s are outwardly cheerful and respectful, and I could detect few signs of resentment or sulkiness. The Moplah is a simple minded stout-hearted ruffian, and embarked on rebellion in the genuine belief that the British Empire was retiring from business, having now discovered that he has been misinformed; I think that he is quite prepared to admit his error and accept things as they are. The revolt petered out in 1922 and martial law was withdrawn. An unfortunate event which occurred was the Train tragedy (see article)  and another at Melmuri where the Dorsets dropped grenades down chimneys.

Donald Sinderby served with the Dorsets and his book covers many of the events during the months of September to November 1921, in Ernad. Let’s now get to the book and see what he had to say. In some ways it is interesting to note that Sinderby foresaw a split of the country into two, a Muslim and a Hindu India even in those early days. But all that is distilled out in his last book Mother in Law, which is another topic by itself (dealing with a Muslim half ruled by the Nizam with Malabar, Cochin and Travancore under him), the development of an atom bomb, the arrival of Americans and finally India getting divided amongst other world powers!

Sinderby enters the book in the character of John Bennville, a rich Baronet in the military service and a Lieutenant in the regiment of the Royal Musketeers. His first impressions of Malabar are eloquent – This country, which is so like and yet so strangely unlike England! Malabar that emerald gem of sad beauty in the south west of India! Small brown houses again fantastically reminiscent of England, nestled in the shade of coconut palms. He observes the first Moplahs clad in their best waist clothes (dhoti) the stately moplahs their peculiar caps perched on the back of their heads, strode silently along on their way from the Friday mosques.

At a locale named Calipuram, we are introduced to a beautiful high caste Nair girl Kamalya (Kamala?), and her betrothed – Nahran a Nair police officer on a motorcycle. They are talking about the Moplah rebels on the move and the arch villain of the tale, the old Abdul Ahmed Hajee (perhaps V K Haji) who desires the girl, the destruction of the treasury at Manjeri (magahdee) and the arrival of Shaukat Ali (Shankat Ali). He mentions how the British raj is powerless and just going about the motions, not doing much to suppress the rebels. Kamalya’s house is a standard two storied nalukettu with wooden parquet flooring (??) and teak paneled walls (!!), a pooja room and a grandfather clock, but no chairs and tables. They are a relatively well-off family but somewhat isolated in the jungle area and the mother is named Lukshmi. The family is scared and worried about potential trouble and violence. Nahran the police officer states that the telegraph lines have been cut and the reserves have been given arms, but is worried that their outpost has just 6 officers who are doomed unless the British army arrives quickly. They believe that the forces will take another month to come, so this is obviously August.
Pandikkad 1921
As expected Abdul Hajee storms the police station, kills the Adhikari and Kamalya and her family flee to the forests abandoning their home. After a while they return to see that their home is untouched, but notice a letter from Abdul Hajee who has proclaimed himself governor of the country (Ali Musaliyar proclaiming himself Khilafat king) stating that he will spare them if Kamalya becomes his wife. The next morning, a single column of the Royal musketeers with Capt West in command, redeployed from Chahnipet arrive in Calipuarm. His men are looking forward to some action after boring barracks life. Benneville a young officer in the marching column, rightly observes that the rice in the paddy fields are ready for harvest, and wonders where all the people have gone for the road is deserted. Soon they team up with Naharan the police officer who is their main informant, and get ambushed by Moplahs on the trees above firing their antique firearms. Many die in the battle that ensues and Benneville is saved from death by Nahran who explains that the rebel Moplah is worked up to such a pitch of madness that they feel no pain, and simply want to kill or be killed. Victorious, they reach Calipuram where they drink tea at a couple of tea shops run by local non rebel Moplahs. Benneville comes up with an interesting observation, all the Moplahs wear a Dhoti which has a dark blue border and he mentions now and then of picking up the smell associated with the Moplahs compared to the cleanliness of the Nairs.

The story picks up speed as Abdul Hajee abducts Kamalya, and Nahran explains why the Moplah is rebelling. He explains – The Moplahs are nearly all poor people sir, and that is because of a law in their religion which orders that a man’s property, when he dies, be divided up amongst his relations and not left to any one or two people. So they never accumulate property, but are mostly small holders. They become discontented with this state of affairs, but blame their Hindu landlords instead of their own religious custom, and state that they are charged too much rent. ..They are fanatical and do what their religious teachers tell them…Then Gandhi’s agents have been here for many months preaching rebellion against the government and this caused the outbreak. Many Moplahs think that the British were defeated in the Great War….

What is interesting in this is the fact that the British officer does not believe the outbreak had anything to do with religion, but is due to agrarian causes and goading by politicians and revolutionaries. In fact there is quite a bit of firsthand information that will be useful for those interested, if you do not focus on the love story that unfolds and stick to the story behind the story. A person who has lived in a Malabar village can easily get immersed into the scenes and visualize it as it all unfolds, but for others it would be drab fiction.

We can see that the entire operation proceeds on, based on information gathered from trusted informers, as skirmish after skirmish takes place. As we saw, Kamalya is abducted and in an attempt to rescue her Nahran is injured and dies soon after. Benneville but naturally falls head over heels in love with the distressed maiden, and stops one of his men from stealing a brooch off a Moplah kid stating that their objective is to protect the natives, not to rob them. Benneville wrestles with thoughts of marrying Kamalya, and worries of practical issues in having a native wife and losing his army job, if that were to happen. In between he hears that the Krembassery (Chembrassery Thangal) has now been proclaimed chief and has started issuing edicts and also that Abdul Hajee is in consultations with him.

During a lull in fighting, he starts to learn some Malayalam, and digs up information on the Nairs of Malabar, and plans to go ahead and profess his love to Kamalaya. We also note that old copies of Madras Mail are the only ways a Brit could get some news. Kamalya rejects Benny’s advances, stating that white does not mix well with brown and only unhappiness results. Another abduction attempt follows, Kamalya is kidnapped again and Benny rescues her a second time. During a third attack, Benny is injured and he is repatriated to the HQ on a little hill overlooking Tammanorum (perhaps Malappuram barracks). We also note that he spends some time in Bannore (maybe Tanur).

He now notifies his superiors of his plans to marry the Nair girl and they are aghast, and soon enough Benny takes matters into his own hands and decides to challenge Abdul Hajee. He is captured by the warlord who offers to spare his life if he would spit on the cross, which he refuses to do in a sudden surge of religiousness. Kamalya now rescues him and upon his return to the barracks is arrested by his superiors for taking matters into his own hands. Fortuitously an attack by the Moplahs allows him to show his excellent skills in fighting with the enemy and in this encounter bayonets Abdul Hajee to death, thus finishing off his beloved’s nemesis, once and for all.

After the event Benny is packed off to Belladroog (Bangalore?) where he slowly settles down to barrack life and a prospective match up with one Miss Catesby Jones, when he receives a letter stating that Kamalya is being victimized and is in a bad shape at Calipuaram, now branded as Benny’s ex-mistress. He takes the train bound for Tarantore (station close to Calipuram), then gets a hold of a car and speeds off to Calipuram, where he is reunited with Kamalya again. They then proceed to Manningtown (Some suburb of Bangalore- probably Cook’s town or Fraser town) where Benny has rented a house. In the meanwhile Kamalya has decided to convert and Benny is glad that this would reduce his problems somewhat. Now he decides to resign from his position and the couple decide to move on to Adayar in Madras. Meanwhile Kamalya meets an old friend who is now a sister in the Church. Upon hearing Kamalya’s story, the nun asks if she wants to convert because she is marrying a Christian. Kamlya answers that she wanted to convert no matter, after which the nun asks if Kamalya wants to see Benny happy or sad. She explains that a marriage between them will be no good and that Benny would be ridiculed by his people, because of their mixed marriage. A lot of discussions take place between them and Kamlaya decides to become a nun and drift away. In the last paragraph of the book, Benny is seen desperately searching for his love, while Kamalya is starting her new life of religion, mercy and self-sacrifice…..

Even though the tale itself is quite contrived, it brings to the fore the problems faced by the mixing of races, but deviates towards evangelization towards the end (perhaps due to influence of Sinderby’s mother). The marches, the attacks, the assessments of the rebels and so on are quite interesting when looked at as first hand opinions and provide a basis for somebody who would want to make a movie, perhaps.

The book ‘Guns and its development’ by Greener narrates an earlier event, which I am quoting below to illustrate typical attacks - The enormous consumption of ammunition with even a comparatively slow-firing arm, as the Lee-Speed-Metford, may be appreciated from the following fact. In the Mopla rising in Malabar, in 1894, fewer than thirty fanatics charged a force of fifty men of the Dorset regiment, armed with the Lee-Metford magazine rifle, and about a hundred native police with Sniders. They had less than fifty yards to run, yet a few of them actually reached the line and fell upon the bayonets, although there were fired at them over seven hundred shots from the Metford rifles and three hundred from the Sniders.


Baillie Ki Paltan by Lt Col Murland is another book which provides limited graphic records of the actual field situation in Eranad and you can easily see that these are quite believable and matter of fact, devoid of politics and any kind of spin. Interestingly this account an officer calls it a Khilafatist agitation. The 64th Pioneers (later renamed as Madras Pioneers) took a while to reach the location since rebels had removed rail keys and damaged bridges enroute. By 27th august, the rail line until Tirur had been repaired and the arriving party found looting of houses underway. It also states that the 9 rebels arrested in Tanur were taken without incident and the mob had already dispersed by the time troops reinforced by the Leinsters, got there. During the first week of Sept, they rounded up many rioters in the area. During the second week a group a rumor was heard that 1000 Moplahs had proceeded south to sack Palghat, but no such thing took place, in fact they were marching to Angadipuram. 

Since then three platoons (actually A, B & C) were formed, #1 located at Manjeri, assisted by the Dorsets which reported nothing of great consequence. #2 was located at Wandur and Mambad, and here it is recorded that Hindu agitators supported the Moplah rebels, in some cases. A serious ambush occurred (and detailed by Sinderby). By Oct the Chin Kachin battalion arrived to support this platoon and small skirmishes occurred. This group covered Kottakkal and Malappuram areas and were involved in many attacks and ambushes. #3 platoon was based at Pandikkad and was involved in a few skirmishes. What is clear is that the many books we read out there deal mainly with the politics, the mind of the politicians involved and the general fallout, but hardly mention the day to day events during the rebellion. John T Burnett-Stuart the GOC of Madras who masterminded the British counter insurgency measures at Malabar, went back to England to direct many an operation during the WWII and masterminded many military strategies and reforms in place today. Various records mention that about 10,000 guerrillas were involved and the counter attacks led to some 2,300 executions, 1,650 injured, 5,700 captured and 39,000 surrenders. 137 soldiers died in the campaign

A quick study shows that Sinderby was perhaps serving under Lt Col Herbert of Platoon 3(C) above and was camped at Wandur. Stephen Dale explains the background - Thus, while V. K. Haji might say after his capture that Khilafat was a Turkish matter, he met with the Chembrasseri Tangal at Pandikkad on the 21st to form a Khilafat government and took charge of the area between Pandikkad and Manjeri, while the Tangal was to administer the eastern section between Karavarakundu and Mellatur. The attacks which followed and masterminded by V K Haji and Chembrasseri Thangal. 

During this posting, Sinderby was a subaltern, a 2nd Lieutenant posted in Malabar and narrowly missed death after “one of the Moplars fired point blank at him, and missed.” Sinderby's next novel ‘Mother in law’, set twenty years into the future, depicts various states falling under the control of two factions; in the north control is held by the Confederation of Princes and Landowners; and the south is seized by the Nizam of Hyderabad. Trouble develops between north and south threatening the country with a civil war which turns into an inter-caste conflict between Hindus and Mohammedans. The desolate and ravaged country is restored to order by the intervention of America, France and Portugal.

What all this tells us was succinctly expressed by Calicut heritage Forum’s CK Ramachandran when we met in Calicut a couple of months ago, that a factual work devoid of spin, covering the Moplah Revolt in its entirety, is yet to be written.

References
The British Empire as a Superpower - Anthony Clayton
Colonial Counter-insurgency in Southern India: The Malabar Rebellion, 1921–1922 - Nick Lloyd
Peasant revolt in Malabar – RH Hitchcock
Islam and Nationalism in India, South Indian Contexts – MT Ansari
Baillie-Ki-Paltan: Being a History of the 2nd Battalion, Madras Pioneers 1759-1930 -Lieutenant-Colonel H. F. Murland


Pandikkad pic Courtesy- E.Chambre Hardman Collection, Military on the move (The educationist)

The Fathul Mubiyn, Qadi Mohammad and the Zamorin

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A study of the Fathul Mubyin, a war poem – Calicut 1550-1590

In a clamor to analyze and study the Tuhfat Al Mujahideen by Sheikh Zainuddin, most historians forgot a very interesting companion text which was perhaps a contemporary to the Tuhfat or even a forerunner. It is an urjuza short titled Fatḥul-mubyin and scripted by a Qadi Muḥammad al-Kālikūtī. To get to the details, we have to go to the Malabar of the 16th century, a place where many communities resided and traded amicably, until the Portuguese sailed in and demanded a monopoly. The resulting resistance, intrigues, skirmishes, wars and confusion left the entire region in a state of turmoil, what with neighboring Cochin and Kolathunad working with or even siding with the Portuguese. The bordering principalities of Tanur and Vettom sat on the fringes swaying either way depending on the situation. Those mainly affected were the trading communities comprising the Pardesi Muslims and some local Moplahs. The Pardesi community was a complex mix of Yemenis, Hanafi Arabs, Egyptians, Turks and so on. The biggest were the Yemenis who centered on Ponnani & Mambram and some Yemenis and Hanafis who settled in Calicut. Their leaders generally led the Muslim populace.

As I get into this discussion, you will realize how important this work was and it is my contention that one potential reason why Islamic scholars talked less about it was simply because it extolled Hindu Muslim amity, a subject which usually rests on the fence, these days. I for one believe that the two communities have to, need to and should coexist peacefully and that it is, was and should always be possible in a place such as Calicut. Anyway let’s get to the topic.

We discussed the Zainuddin Makdum’s of Malabar some years ago. The Zainuddin Makdums were the religious leaders in Ponnani and differed at times on approach compared to the Calicut Qazis (or Qadis), but worked together. I had introduced to you an obscure work named the Vencatakota Ola, which has more recently been reintroduced to the public by Stephen Prange. If you recall, Lt Rowlandsen had concluded that both Tuhfat and the Vencatikota Ola were derived from an earlier work. My assumption is that the Fathul Mubiyn is that work.

As we know, Vasco Da Gama came, created a good amount of furor and departed, to come again and eventually die in Cochin. Others like Cabral and Alfonzo Albuquerque followed, to continue with despotic acts in Malabar, warring often with the Zamorin and trying to wrest away the spice trade from the Paradesi Muslims (Arab traders) who had thus far been firmly entrenched. Four or five Zamorin’s from the first dynasty ruled during the 1500-1600 period (two or three were named Manavikraman’s and there was one Virarayan). We also note from various records that while some of the early Zamorin’s were accommodative of the Portuguese, others were distinctly against, after having understood their deceitful behavior. We do not know which Zamorin is the individual described, but one of the Zamorin’s of the middle years (of the 16th century) was perhaps the person mentioned in the Futhul Mubyin, by Qadi Muhammad.

What did the Qadi Muhammad have to say and who incidentally, was Qadi Muhammad? He was a Muhammad ibn Abd al-Aziz hailing from Calicut and it is concluded thus far that he was a judge and a poet writing in Arabic or Arabi-Malayalam (Malayalam written in Arabic script), the one who authored poetry such as the Fathul Mubiyn and the well-known Mubiyn Mala (the earliest and in Arabi-Malayalam). He belonged to the Qadiriyyah order of Sufis. But there is some confusion in his identity and the period of his life. Muid Khan in his preamble to the translation had wrongly opined that Zainuddin Makhdum was perhaps Qadi Abdul Aziz Muhammad’s younger brother and that the Fathul Mubyin could very well have been written before the Tuhfat. The Fathul was actually written by a Qadi Muhammad of Calicut and the time setting of the poem seems to be prior to that of the Tuhfat, as it mentions a living Adil Shah.

The complete title of the text we are going to analyze is ‘Al Fathul-mubiyn lis Samerial ladhi Yuhibbul Muslimiyn’. It is usually translated as ‘The victory of the Zamorin of Calicut, lover of Muslims’. Woven around the victory of the Calicut forces fighting the Portuguese to wrest control of the fort in Chaliyum in 1571, the epic poem traverses a long period roughly 1497 - 1578. In all the poem has 534 (actually 537) lines and is written in Arabic. There are a couple of Malayalam translations and 2 or 3 in English but they are not available in wide circulation or much discussed. Even a Malayalam book I referred skims over the subject, not including a translation of the poem as such.

The urjuza was first discovered embedded between chapters 3 & 4 the original manuscript of Tuhfatul Mujahidiyn in the India office library at London. Both were written in the same hand and formed one folio, but a closer scrutiny divulged that the Fathul was a poem while the Tuhfat was prose and had different authors. The Fathul author’s name is stated at its end as Muhammad-ibn Quazi Abdul Aziz (i.e. Muhammad son of Qadi Abdul Aziz), so its authorship was a Muhammad, both were Qadi’s of Calicut and my contention is that either the father was the original author or that the son was a contemporary of Zainuddin and Abdul Aziz Makhdum of Ponnani (Quadi Muhammad is elder to Zainuddin Junior (the Fathul mentions a Calicut conference which was attended by the Calicut Qadi Abdul Aziz Kalikoti and Zainuddin’s uncle Abd-al Aziz of Ponnani).

Another reason exists to prove that the poem was set in the late 1570’s (As present day Muslim historians believe this was written in 1607). Qadi Muhammad states in the poem that he composed it in the hope that kings the world over, especially in Syria and Iraq, would learn of the bravery of the Zamorin’s and be inspired to join the fight against the Portuguese. He explains that the modus of retelling of the glorious victory of the Zamorin will be carried out by rendering prose (nas̤ir) into verse (naz̤im), a process that he compares to changing silver (fiẓa) into gold (naẓir). By the end of the 16th century the Egyptians and Syrians were long gone and were not present at the Malabar scene, so Qadi’s writing this to exhort friends in Egypt & Syria would make no sense, and thus it does date to a previous period, closer to the death of Adil Shah. Also a document dated to 1607 would not miss the death of the Kunjali Marakkar (Kunju Ali is mentioned in line 400 as a living Muslim leader). It would also not miss the support given to the Portuguese by the Zamorin in capturing Kunjali. Such a Zamorin would not be extolled by a person of eminence, i.e. a Qadi who delivers judgements.

Now let us try and jot out a precis of the entire poem, working mainly with Muid Khan’s translations. As you will read on, you will notice a bit of exaggeration and some incorrect assertions. Also we can conclude that the accounts of Zainuddin and the Qadi are conflicting with respect to overt support for the glorious deeds of the Zamorin.

The Fathul Mubyin of Qadi Muhammad ( a rough summary)

Verses 1-6 Supplications to the Prophet Muhammad.

Versus 6-22 The Quadi states that he is going to narrate a wondrous tale, which happened in Malabar with the hope that those who hear it, especially in Syria and Iraq, will take heed and consider a war against the accursed Portuguese. The tale he will go on to narrate is about a war which took place between the soldiers of the Zamorin of Calicut and the infidels, the Portuguese.  The Zamorin, he states, is a brave and well known ruler of Calicut who loves his Muslim subjects, who does not hinder their religion or beliefs and fights for their cause even, if so required. He is a ruler who allows a Muslim to stand on his right side during important festivals (Mamankham). In fact the al-Shah Bandar and other Muslims stand to his right (as right hand strong men). He is the lord of the mountains and lord of the seas of Malabar.

Vesus 23-48 The Zamorin was given the sword of Malabar by his predecessor and asked to reign over the land with the sword, the unsheathing of which ensures his next victory. He has four heirs who have their own troops and territory (Eralpad, Moonalpad, Ittattornad nambiyathiri, Naturalpad) and an agreed method of accession when one dies, with the younger after the older. His (nair) soldiers can fight horsemen and wolves, and fight unto death. He has the power to get wind on the sails of a ship at sea to get them going like Persian horses over land, he can turn the seas waters red with the blood of his enemies and get sea fish to eat their flesh. He never seizes another’s property (unless it is a criminal issue) nor is he unjust. He does not invade lesser countries without reason and forgives them after. But if any other king disobeys, big or small, he fights them and takes over their land. And so continues their time honored and age-old traditions. His Nair soldiers are feared, and are totally faithful to the Zamorin, never changing sides. He wages wars honorably, always providing due notice, taking nobody by surprise or deceit and is respected by his many suzerain lords and petty kings. All taxes and penalties are spent on the poor, he is a statesman, is patient, tolerant and a forgiver for those who seek his support. Like the Sameri who existed during the time of Moses, the Zamorin was the one who instituted the worship of the cow and carries charms to help him during battles.

Versus 48-61 Let Allah grant him eternal guidance and let us pray for him even though the Zamorin, a non-believer is fighting for the Muslim, whereas the Muslim kings of the region are not and have even made peace with the infidel Franks. So listen to the Zamorin’s war story with an open heart. Those accursed Franks came to Malabar in the guise of traders just to take over the pepper ginger and coconut trade.

Verses 62-79 Details many misdeeds of the Portuguese since their arrivals, their deceit, dishonesty, changing of character, deeds of invasion of other lands and territories and subjugation of their peoples, enslaving of Muslims, desecration of mosques, oppression, attempt to usurp the Zamorin’s position and so on…

Verses 80-84 A war ensued for three years between the Zamorin, Muslims and the Franks after which the Franks came begging for a treaty, asking for shelter in Malabar and agreeing to abide by the Zamorin’s rules.

Verses 84-111 The Zamorin (the Eralpad who apparently poisoned his predecessor to go up and the one who appointed Da Cruz) permitted the Portuguese to build a fort in the middle of the city (by all accounts it was near the beach and is now submerged) and obtained an agreement permitting free navigation of his own subjects. Once the fort once completed, the Franks changed colors and started their oppressive tactics and demanded additional commissions from suppliers and tried to offer more commissions to the Zamorin to get the Muslim traders out. They disallowed pilgrim travel to Mecca, and this was the worst tactic. They tried to get the Zamorin into the fort in ambush, but he was saved by God’s grace and with that the Zamorin prepared for war, spending a lot of money to build a fleet of galleys (Ghurabs), to buy cannons. Digging trenches on either side of the fort, they next besieged the Portuguese. The Zamorin’s forces used mangonel (a type of catapult to throw projectiles at a castle's walls) and guns (tufek) in this attack till the fort was leveled to the ground. A thousand Franks were killed in one nights fighting and the rest of them fled. Thus they were evicted in 930AH (1523).

Calicut Fort
Verses 112- 320 The Portuguese also encouraged the Cochin king to fight the Zamorin after the Portuguese had built a fort at Cochin. Bijapur’s Adil Shah in the meantime wrote to the Zamorin asking him to hasten the war and drive away the infidel Frank who was incidentally creating problems for him from Goa. The Zamorin deputed his galleys captained by his (marakars). The explanation of the sea battle continue for many verses, what with the (a new one who was fully against the Franks) Zamorin himself leading the fight and promising not to eat himself (when the Franks starved the town by cutting off supplies). The fortunes of the war tilted either way, the Cochin, Cannanore and Tanore Kings supported the Portuguese in return for cartaz’s. The Egyptian and Turkish captains finally came to support the Zamorin, and he personally sailed to Cambay in Gujarat to meet them, but as the wars continued, the Muslims disagreed with each other and were not united.  Finally a peace treaty was effected and the Portuguese built a lofty fort at Chalium (Santa Maria do Castello), situated on an island. Many a verse describes the fortifications of this Shaleat fort.

Verses 321-368 Numerous verses detail the inhuman and tyrannical behavior of the Portuguese dealing with the Muslims of Malabar and the heroic retaliation by the Zamorin and his forces.

Verses 368-397 Yet another Zamorin had started his reign and this was the time when the Sultan Adil Shah together with Nizam Shah of Chaul contacted the Zamorin requesting him to capture the Chalium fort. He sent out two of his ministers and their armies to attack the fort. The Tanur king joined the Zamorin while the Cochin raja informed the Portuguese about the plans. A fierce fight ensured at Chalium and sometimes the Zamorin traveled there himself to supervise the affairs.

Chale fort
Verses 398- 410 This was the time when the Zamorin’s Queen mother got involved and exhorted the Muslims to think of the issues and consequences and unite. Kunji Ali the leader of the Muslims, Ahmad’l Qamaqim, the sheikh with mysterious powers Abu’l wafa Muhammad al-Shattar, Shahabandar Umar Al Ghassani, scholar Abdul Aziz al-Malabari al Funani (Zainuddin’s brother) and Qadi Muhammad together with many Muslim chiefs met at the Calicut Mosque. The queen mother summoned the Zamorin back to Calicut to attend the conference.

An important event that is mentioned in the Fathul in these verses is the above conference organized at Calicut under the direction of the Zamorin’s queen mother where not only the Qadi but also Abdul Aziz Makhdum of Ponnani participated to exhort their brethren to participate in a jihad against the Portuguese. It shows the importance of the queen mother in those days.

Verses 410 – 500 Deal with the Zamorin leading the fight to demolish the Chalium fort in 1571, the valor and strategies of war, and its execution, the just way in which he dealt with the prisoners and any Muslim or Hindu who had been converted to Christianity, the handling of booty, the usage of the fort’s stones to rebuild the mosque from which they were originally taken. It took a year to dismantle the fort completely.

Verses 500- 516 The Qadi now concludes, stating that Adil Shah and Nizam Shah forgot their promises, as the former made peace with the Portuguese while the latter forgot his pact with the Zamorin even though he had been gifted the Chalium fort’s bell captured after the attack! He despairs that none of these Muslim kings joined the attacks against the Portuguese and the non-Muslim Zamorin was all alone in his efforts to support the Muslims in their cause.

Verses 517-534 The virtues of the Zamorin outlined in the above versus is but a tenth of a tenth of a tenth of his merits. He then gets to the Perumal story, the king who was his uncle and who witnessed the splitting of the moon and who became a follower of the prophet, who died at Zufar while returning to preach Islam, and asks for forgiveness lest his words and narrative be blamed for excessive poetic licenses taken and ends asking for blood on the swords of his followers (in the continuing fights with their enemies).

That was actually the end game for the Portuguese when it came to Malabar. They trading after that was confined to Cochin and Goa, mainly. Though forays into Malabar continued, but with less vigor and intensity.

Zainuddin incidentally mentioned as follows in Tuhfat - It is well-known that the Muslims of Malabar have no Amir who possesses power and can exercise authority over them and be mindful of their welfare. On the contrary, all of them are subjects of rulers who are unbelievers (H.Nainar)
In conclusion, Qadi Muhammad in his poem, is not keen about detailing or telling the story of the advent of Islam in Malabar mainly because he believes that the war in Malabar was a concern of both Muslims and Hindus. He also explains that the Zamorin is their overlord and having an equal status with any other powerful Muslim Sultan. On the other hand, Zainuddin’s prose is inherently Islamic in its orientation, depicting the long history of Muslims in Kerala and the central role they played in the struggle against the Portuguese (Ayal Amer)

When and why did this changed attitude creep into Zainuddin (b 1532 d 1583) junior’s thinking and why did he drift in his loyalty to the Zamorin? The Portuguese continued attacking Parappanangadi and Ponnani, and in 1577 captured many Moplah vessels. The Kunjali 1V was becoming powerful and strident in his stature and was nearing a potential fallout with the Zamorin. Adil Shah sent his envoy to felicitate the new Zamorin who incidentally was planning to allow the Portuguese to erect a factory (not a fort) at Ponnani in return for permission to sail the seas unhindered.  And so, Zainuddin perhaps chose a new patron, for the Tuhfat is not dedicated to the Zamorin but is instead dedicated to the Adil Shah of Bijapur, the very same Sultan who was belittled by the Fathul’s author. Zainuddin now goes on to call him - most glorious of sultans, and the most beneficent of monarchs, who has made war against infidels the chief act of his life, having himself glorified God, and made his name to be upheld with reverence by all; having ever devoted himself to the service and protection of the servants of God.

Two of the reference dpapers provide differing reasons for this. One believes that the Shah was wrongly named, it should have been Ibrahim Adil Shah who was a Sunni. Kooria explains - while ʿAli Adil Shah alternated between enmity and friendship with the Portuguese, Ibrāhīm II was initially reluctant to forge any relationship with them, which nurtured Zayn al-Dīn’s hope that the king might adopt an anti-Portuguese stance. Nevertheless, even Ibrahim changed his stance later and became pro–European. The second writer Ayal infers that Zainuddin’s choice of ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah was politically motivated, and that his real ambition was to encourage Muslim rulers of the Deccan Sultanate to annex Kerala. Or perhaps Zainuddin was in Bijapur and canvassing the support of Adil Khan during the 1580’s (and had to praise him).

I think otherwise. Assuming that the Fathul was written before the Tuhfat, I would believe that the political equations in Ponnnai (where Zainuddin preached) were becoming complex what with the Kunjali IV rising in status and planning a potential challenge to the Zamorin, as some historians aver. Zainuddin’s work was perhaps to obtain support for Kunjali IV’s overtures (from Ibrahim Adil Shah) which we know was eventually snuffed out by the next Zamorin in 1600.

A huge difference between the two texts is the fact that while Zainuddin expresses despair over the lack of direct Islamic rule over the Muslim subjects of Malabar (Zainuddin also leans towards the changed attitude of the Zamorin and his doubt on the Zamorin’s ability to defend the Muslims of Malabar), the author of Fathul extolls the relationship between the religions and the leadership of the Zamorin, and his firm belief in him. This leads to my feeling that Zainuddin’s work could have been heavily influenced by the Kunhali IV epoch and thus provides an indication of the changing situations in the power games involving the native Zamorin rulers, the Marakkar chieftains and the Portuguese interlopers.

References
Studies in the Foreign Relations of India (from Earliest Times to 1947): Prof. H.K. Sherwani Felicitation Volume, ed. P.M. Joshi and M.A.Nayeem - Fatḥ al-mubīn of Muḥammad al-Kālikūtī: Khan, M.A. Muid. 1975. “Indo-Portuguese Struggle for Maritime Supremacy (as Gleaned from an Unpublished Arabic Urjuza: Fathul Mubiyn).” Dr M A Muid Khan was the Prof and HOD for Arabic at Osmania university, Director Da’iratu’l-Ma’arif and Secretary Islamic culture – Hyderabad.
Spiritual leadership in Anti-colonial struggle – G P Mudawi

The rise of jihadic sentiments and the writing of history in sixteenth-century Kerala - Ayal Amer
An Abode of Islam under a Hindu King: Circuitous Imagination of Kingdoms among Muslims of Sixteenth-Century Malabar - Mahmood Kooria
Samoothirkku vendi oru samarahwanam – Qadi Muhammad – Trans EM Zakir Hussain
Introducing the Vencaticota Ola Parts 1 and 2  
The story of Dom Joao-de-Tanur  

Notes
Urjuza is a genre of poetry with the clear intention to instruct and where the verse focuses more on the details of content leaving the poem "devoid of stylistic elegance and poetic beauty. For more details refer this link 

A Qadi (Cadi, Qazi, kadi or kazi) is the magistrate or judge of the Shariʿa court. The word "qadi" comes from a verb meaning to "judge" or to "decide". I contend here that Qadi and Qazi as relevant to Malabar, to mean the same.

The publication by Other books which I perused subsequently, uses the same Muid Khan translation as above (but terms it an anonymous one fetched from Hyderabad), and presents the poem in 537 verses. Some of the footnotes provided by the editors/reviewer did make me raise my brows, to say the least.

Intervening years - time line

1498-1500
Initial forays vasco Da Gama, Cabral
1500-1513
Establishment of Portuguese at Cochin, Calicut Cochin wars
1513-1522
Treaty with Portuguese, erection of fort at Calicut
1522-1529
Eviction of Portuguese from Calicut, demolition of Calicut fort
1529-1531
Building of Portuguese fort at Chalium
1531-1540
Portuguese Calicut wars
1540-1548
Peace treaty
1548-1560
Portuguese Calicut wars
1571-1574
Portuguese defeat at Chalium, destruction of fort, writing of Faithul Mubiyn?
1574-1578
Portuguese Calicut wars
1578-1588
Portuguese factory at Ponnani. Writing of Tuhfat Al Mujahedeen
1588-1597
Portuguese settlement at Calicut
1597-1600
War with Kunjali IV, capture of his stronghold and fort
1604-1617
Siege of Cranganore, treaties with the Dutch and English writing of Faithul Mubiyn?